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Growth in the Luxembourg economy over the past 15 years is reflected in the
growth of employment. During the ten years 1991-2001, the average employment
growth rate in Luxembourg was 3.6 % per annum, compared to 0.5 % in Belgium,0.5
% in France, 1.9 % in the Netherlands and 0.4 % in the Fifteen during the same
period. Only Ireland, which, unlike Luxembourg, is in a stage of catching up,
recorded comparable figures. It should be noted that in terms of employment
the economic downturn from 2001 in Luxembourg was only felt with a time lag
of one year. The employment growth rate was still 5.6 % in 2001, and stood at
the same level as in 2000. STATEC forecasts a 3.2 % growth in employment for
2002 and 1.4 % for 2003.
Total employment (annual average variation in %)
|
B |
DK |
*D |
F |
IRL |
L |
NL |
EU-15 |
| 1961-1970 |
0.5 |
1.1 |
0.2 |
0.6 |
0.0 |
0.6 |
1.9 |
0.3 |
| 1971-1980 |
0.2 |
0.3 |
0.2 |
0.5 |
0.9 |
1.2 |
0.7 |
0.3 |
| 1981-1990 |
0.1 |
0.3 |
0.5 |
0.3 |
-0.2 |
1.7 |
1.1 |
0.5 |
| 1991-2001 |
0.5 |
0.5 |
0.3 |
0.7 |
3.8 |
3.6 |
1.9 |
0.4 |
Source: European Commission;
*D = excluding new Länder before 1990, including new Länder from 1991
Country
Code |
The demand for labour brought about by economic growth, particularly in the
predominant sectors such as iron and steel and subsequently financial and other
services, could only be met by using foreign labour (immigrants and cross-border
workers). The number of jobs occupied by Luxembourg nationals remained virtually
constant from 1980 (just over 100 000 wage earners and self-employed workers),
while the number of cross-border workers rose from 3 700 in 1961 to 17 000 in
1985, followed by a spectacular rise to over 100 000 in 2001. At the start of
2002, crossborder workers occupied over 37 % of paid jobs in Luxembourg. These
developments are also explained by the unemployment differential
between neighbouring regions and Luxembourg (see section 2.1) and the attractive
wages and salaries paid in the country.
The number of foreign workers living and employed in Luxembourg, which stood
at 17 000 in 1960, rose to 38 000 in 1985 and to more than 70 000 in 2001. Cross-border
workers and immigrants as a whole represent the majority in total employment
in the Luxembourg economy. At present, around 35 % of wage earners employed
in Luxembourg are natives of the country, compared to 70 % in 1970.
This foreign labour (immigrants and cross-border workers) has in addition always
acted as a regulator in the economic history of Luxembourg. This characteristic
has made it easier for employment to adjust rapidly during downswings in the
economy, while making it possible to offset the risks of social tension that
might accompany waves of layoffs.
Comparison of net annual immigration rates (inflows-outflows/average population)
and the rate of growth of GDP in volume (brought forward one year) shows a clear
correlation between the two curves.This one-year carrying forward in GDP is
justified by the delayed reaction of migration flows to economic development.
The “valve” functioned perfectly during the crises of the mid- 1960s and from
1974 to 1983 (iron and steel crisis).
Recourse to immigrant and cross-border labour goes hand-in-hand with a certain
segmentation of the labour market. Nationals have been able to focus partly
on the protected sector, i.e., general government, railways and the para-public
sector (energy, water and national health). Almost 40 % of the working population
with Luxembourg nationality works in the public and para-public administration,
90 % of which is “reserved”for Luxembourg nationals. Luxembourgers are virtually
absent in certain economic sectors: they occupy only 15 % of all paid jobs in
the construction sector, for example, while the proportion employed in hotels,
restaurants, cafés and catering is little more than 10 %.
There is some “specialisation” by nationality and country of residence. By
way of example, a high proportion of Portuguese nationals resident in Luxembourg
work in the construction sector, while Germans who live in the country work
mostly in financial and business services. The share of cross-border workers
is highest in business services, industry, financial services, trade and construction.
Therefore, immigrants and cross-border labour contribute not only the necessary
“quantity” of labour, but also help adjust the structure of qualifications to
the needs of the economy.
The central position of immigration in the Luxembourg economy is not only apparent
in the labour market. The characteristics of this relatively young immigrant
population - whose fertility rate actually exceeds that of nationals - make
the dependency rate lower than in most other European countries, even in the
medium term (i.e. up to 2020).The general fertility rate from 1979 to 1981 was
64 per thousand for the foreign population compared with 47 per thousand for
the national population. During the late 1990s, the rates began to converge
when the national population increased (from 1996 to 1998, the fertility rate
of the foreign population was 62 per thousand, compared with 58 per thousand
for the national population).
During the late 1990s and early 2000s, the weight of social security benefits
in GDP in Luxembourg was weaker than in 1980, contrary to most other European
countries. Clearly, this was partly due to the mechanical effect of the significant
growth in GDP, though the development of the population structure was also a
factor.
Dependency rate and public expenditure on pensions
Dependency rate of the elderly
(%)
Population over 65 years of age / Population from 15 to 64 years of age |
Public expenditure on pensions
(including mostreplacementincome granted to people of 55 years of age and above), % of GDP |
| |
2000 |
2020 |
|
2000 |
2020 |
| B |
26 |
33 |
B |
10.0 |
11.4 |
| DK |
22 |
32 |
DK |
10.5 |
13.8 |
| D |
24 |
34 |
D |
11.8 |
12.6 |
| EL |
26 |
33 |
EL |
12.6 |
15.4 |
| E |
25 |
31 |
E |
9.4 |
9.9 |
| F |
24 |
33 |
F |
12.1 |
15.0 |
| IRL |
17 |
22 |
IRL |
4.6 |
6.7 |
| I |
27 |
37 |
I |
13.8 |
14.8 |
| L |
21 |
28 |
L |
7.4 |
8.2 |
| NL |
20 |
30 |
NL |
7.9 |
11.1 |
| A |
23 |
32 |
A |
14.5 |
16.0 |
| P |
23 |
29 |
P |
9.8 |
13.1 |
| FIN |
22 |
36 |
FIN |
11.3 |
12.9 |
| S |
27 |
35 |
S |
9.0 |
10.7 |
| UK |
24 |
29 |
UK |
5.5 |
4.9 |
| EU-15 |
24 |
32 |
EU |
10.4 |
11.5 |
Source: EUROSTAT
Country
Code |
Source: Economic Policy Committee (EU)
Country
Code |
According to an analysis conducted by the EU Economic Policy Committee Working
Party on ageing, public expenditure on pensions (in relation to GDP) in Luxembourg
in 2000 was at the lower end of the scale of European countries. Only Ireland
(whose population structure is even more favourable than Luxembourg’s) and Great
Britain (whose pension system is based more closely on the second and third
pillars, i.e. additional insurance and private insurance), performed better.
Furthermore, the increase in this expenditure is much less sensitive in Luxembourg
than in neighbouring countries, though these scenarios must obviously be viewed
with caution. On the one hand, pension systems and the means of funding them
(e.g. contributory base, second and third pillars etc.) may be subject to significant
structural changes. On the other hand, the underlying assumptions of projections
- rate of growth of GDP, net immigration rates and fertility - may not be borne
out. Projections for Luxembourg are based on an average growth rate of 4 % per
annum in GDP, a 2.1 % growth in the productivity of labour and, by correlation,
a substantial increase in employment, i.e. a continuous influx of cross-border
workers and immigrants. This is plainly an optimistic view. A 4 % average growth
rate would be close to the exceptional rates achieved from 1985 to 2000, and
would be much higher than the average for the EU as a whole (1.6 % growth in
GDP for the period 2000-2050, according to Economic Policy Committee forecasts).
Nevertheless, Luxembourg’s situation in terms of pension funding appears more
favourable than in many other countries. Development in the short and medium
term would make it possible to limit expenditure on pensions to a competitive
level, while simultaneously guaranteeing a certain flexibility in budget policy,
and maintenance of competitive tax and social security contributions
in particular. Like other European countries, however, Luxembourg cannot avoid
discussion of the structural reform of pension systems. This discussion will
be even more urgent if an upturn in growth is not in the offing. The economic
downswing of 2001/2002 clearly shows that Luxembourg is not immune to such developments.
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